Is the NPP dead?
A stranger to African and Ghanaian politics especially, will be struck to ask if the NPP is run from Parliament under directives from its leadership there. Where is the National Executive? The questioner would soonest conclude something had gone drastically wrong with a great nationalist party with history of stern stuff historical background. From the ballot changeover, the country has been aware of occasional walk-outs or boycotts by the Opposition. In the aftermath defeat, the NPP has gone excess. The legitimate sequitur concurs with the second question above in variation—“is the NPP dead/” or ‘where is the national party?’
Also well known is that our Parliaments have given the country rows and concerns. But never would they compare today’s. Goings-on would seem to be a logically justified to ask the question from the NPP, a great party in spite of all. There are several sub-issues flowing from to enquiry, prima facie. An anonymous remark said ‘you don’t let one election loss to appear sunk into as if the world has come to an end’. While the response may not be immediate, the thinking and expectations had been a diligent posture to reassure the faithful and jail unpopular stirrings wherever—parliament where you have a broad presence with a loud cultured to measured self-amplify voice. All of that are schemed to score better in the electoral propaganda wars with attractive alternate themes. These are enveloped in reconciling country to your brands per coolly deliveries of tuneful tones, instead of disconcerts which dismiss the inclinations for, at the least, the disenchanted members to be encouraged to hope.
After the election, Dec. 7, 2024, the country anticipated internal recriminations from inside the party which lost and moves to rebuild the party. It is a norm, whether the loss was complete or manageable. Though rather put in abeyance is the most important work is to quickly rally. It now looks a far cry. Shortly before the country went to the polls, there was a simmering crisis between the Electoral Commission and the IPAC. Someone called for a search to locate an Elder Statesman or person to step in. The swift murmur was: “is there any left”? The unanswered query may apply to the NPP at large directly, irrespective of there being a rump in parliament today. What may not be valued is that a consensus plan to meet a reset and urgent agenda is easier to come by the reduced into smallness.
A cursory reference back, shows: [i] this country have repetitively opted to restore a multi-party political ruled democracy over military and all the treks to and from experiments with systems of governance including forcing it too close to One-Party State. We backed off to “Government” and “Opposition”, or the “Majority” and the “Minority”. As a result, we have worked with a Constitution since 1992 but was being under review now, pre-supposing weaknesses or even archaic; but mindful not to create a “banana” Republic’s document at the end. Certainly, there are requirements to tighten bolts, inject new nuts and let go others.
[ii] The evolution of political parties: Outside of the CPP, June 12, 1949 as a National mass structure, all other political parties were founded after several morphs. The original NPP was formed from splinters coming into a United Party (UP) after beaten by the CPP in 1956 after 1951, 1954 and 1956. The UP and the CPP were proscribed 1966 to 1969. The UP became new party called Progress Party (PP) founded by Prof. K.A. Busia. PP was dissolved 1972 following a putsch. [The CPP had been prevented by the Junta’s NLC’s Decree, getting a permit ultimately by the PNDC as PP fought in courts to finally win a license under a new name NPP. It took time to re-emerge as a national party after a second successive flop at the polls against the NDC which had leapfrogged the CPP. The NPP reorganised into a real alternate to the NDC, 2000, reigned to 2008. The fresh NPP re-won power 2016 and 2020.
Ideologically, it is Right Wing—Conservative, much as NDC shifted to Social Democrats, to distinguish them from the Left Wing, the CPP. There is so much of history in the lines of this paragraph. I have dropped those to keep the gravamen of the theme less encumbered. Concluding the brief on the Political parties in this country; it is a mixture of dominantly ethnic and regional consequently in terms of make-up. This regionalised and inevitably ethnic dominance has suffered erosion through the years. Therefore, there is a dilution caused by education, jobs migration [transfers et al], mixed-marriages which have shifted the paradigms– traditional homes and overturned the ethnic -loyalties accounts in the initial dynamics. Conviction is a small sine qua non but over lorded by cash—who foots the party bills relative to the rest in the crowd of amorphous reasons and expectations.
But the NPP’s wallet isn’t the problem. I shall skip it and speculate a cause for NPP’s failure to re-assert and country-wide re-strategise per se for a renewed country-appeal. It is worth our while. I think of two majors and a sub which I like to start with illustrations and leave the deductions as obvious from observations of the Right-wing politics here when they are defeated: It is said that the cash stalwarts tend generally to keep their wealth being in limbo and then the wonder in this country–which tribe’s man other than an Ashanti spent his money funding a political party in that status and or even in power?. (That historical fact may explain the Ashanti claim of ownership of the NPP. Additionally relative is that the Ashanti bore the most than the others in the bid to secede which was defeated. And they constitute the largest from the UP 1956 to oppose the CPP.
Without raking tribalism except stating history, the Akyem full entry later, was paused when Pa Willie (DOMO) lost to his nephew Aaron Ofori Atta (CPP) 1954. Then they were returned to electoral prominence joining in simultaneous staged rioting in Kumasi and Kyebi in solidarity with the NLM. It was a last ditch-stand to demonstrate the country was not yet stable to be granted independence. Both Ashanti and Akyem made fatal mistake when they split into PFP and UNC. Hearsay and inferred actions suggest some bad blood lingers within the NPP. It is, if it is correct, it will have to relate to former President John Kufuor’s tenure with regard to high office appointments which was seen as punishment for the loss to the PNP in 1979—the 3rd Republic.
The NPP’s dilemma in parliament and nationally leading to asking if it’s dead, is a Siamese twin, whether or not ‘’disruption’’ is a more viable tactic over walk-away as commentaries describe the summary of public opinion about its situation in the parliamentary scenario. The truths are: the same Opposition UP walked back to shake hands with the Duchess of Kent [Queen Elizabeth II’s Aunt] represented her handing over the country’s independence March 6, 1957. The CPP had used its numbers to pass the demand—“Motion of Destiny”. I mention in passing that the latest notion is that the NDC cannot pass laws without the Minority. A change though has occurred that enactments be achieved by consensus, the whole House debated as far as was achievable.
Despite the reversal, [Majority becoming the Minority], the nation is groping, hopefully for the sake of [i] an articulated Opposition, comparable to the NAL [Second Republic] and the and the gathering of CPP factions during the first parliament of this Fourth Republic’s Parliament; and [ii] Historians think that Opposition at the time of the PP (progenitor of NPP) administration [Second Republic] had been the best. The same account would be hard placing the ninth now. . Perhaps these are early days yet; and the party’s rump leadership will call for order. It is a matter of national concern for democracy. For the immediate as adjunct to the disarray, something else is exercising minds, if the present comportment continues, does the country endorse pay for absenteeism.
Every structured national political party has a Central Office where the Leadership [power house] presides. The machinery takes over ad interim when there is a crisis such as the NPP obviously has after the ballot. The Office at the centre calls the shots until a new Executive Triumvirate is formed in accordance with the party’s constitution. Modus operandi in consultation with representation in the Legislature is fixed for brisk pursuit step by step. On the contrary, public impression so far, is that the NPP is yet to ensure this. Thus, there is a reign of the daily releases of nestling of “this and that” laissez-faire happening in Parliament. I am resisting quoting Alfred Lord Tennyson’s dirge “Charge of the Light Brigade”—‘half a league onward …rode the 600’. These result in a backlash of alienation and or disquiet by ardent supporters whose number could drop for disgust reaching separation, a pun to finale.
The huge question for a multi-party democracy is where are ALL the Biggies of the NPP? It matters for the security of our country—a lot rather not to do with, even naively said “Dzi wo fie asem” because a heard Opposition is its greatest guaranteed pillar. The NPP may not be dead; but the country and the world are or could be wearied by antics in parliament. I happen to testify that it is a great political party of great men and women who had meant well but ditched the goals; and remains a great asset which balances our democratic credentials—sometimes, at others, indeed presently is unedifying and trending to ugly. Perhaps, I can volunteer-recite outside of vetting, the old Soviet Communist call: “now is the time for all men of goodwill to come to the aid of the Party”-of course, the NPP, so down needing to regenerate to relieve itself, parliament and country from wearisome to getting bizarre gyrations. There is a significant sign of a crack through the publicised defiance of the Second Deputy Speaker Hon Amoako Asiama, attending that all important three day orientation at Ho. Is it the beginning of the “centre cannot hold?.” In the absence: WHAT’S GOING ON?’’ No Big man—“Aloo…ooo….mpanyin asa”.
(c) Prof Nana Essilfie-Conduah.
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